By Peter Schrag
Peter Schrag takes at the huge issues--immigration, globalization, and the impression of California's politics on its caliber of life--in this dynamic account of the Golden State's fight to recapture the yank dream. long ago half-century, California has been either version and anti-model for the state and sometimes the area, first in its excessive point of presidency and public services--schools, universities, highways--more in recent times for its dysfunctional govt, deteriorating prone, and infrequently regressive public rules. Schrag's incisive research of the state's political, demographic, and monetary realities vividly demonstrates that it's been being affected by various difficulties for a iteration. the writer deftly indicates that California's skill to forge its culturally and ethnically assorted inhabitants right into a profitable democracy should be of an important value not just to the USA, yet to the realm. He additionally explains what percentage present "solutions" exacerbate the very difficulties they're presupposed to remedy and analyzes quite a few attainable country and federal coverage choices to revive in charge govt and an important democracy to the nation's biggest nation and world's 5th biggest financial system. one of the concerns that Schrag tackles:* The effect of Latino and Asian immigration and the emergence of California because the first huge majority minority nation* The globalization of California's financial system and tradition* The growing to be reliance of citizens at the initiative, referendum, and bear in mind techniques* The expanding instability of elected govt * California as cultural avant-garde, from hippies to homosexual marriage
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Additional resources for California: America's High-Stakes Experiment
The union was once a major force, morally and economically, in California agriculture and in the national imagination. The union, run since Chavez’s death in 1993 by Arturo Rodriguez, Chavez’s son-in-law, is now engaged in a dozen other enterprises, some operated by a spin-off called the National Farm Workers Service Center directed by Chavez’s son Paul. Among them: the Chavez memorial and visitors’ center in Keene, a health plan, a pension plan, twenty-seven hundred low-income housing units in rural towns and cities, and the nine broadcasting stations called Radio Campesino that were created to increase the political awareness and social coping skills of immigrant workers and their families.
20 These divisions, too—divisions of culture, of class, of loyalty—reﬂect similar splits within the larger Latino community and, indeed, within other American ethnic communities as well, just as they have through much of the nation’s history. Or consider the thirty-ﬁve-year-old Charney himself, who started his career hawking T-shirts (brought in from Vermont) on the streets of Montreal and now operates in an industry notorious for its exploitation of immigrant workers and its race-to-the-bottom search for the cheapest overseas producers.
There is no effective California civic establishment, I NTR O D U CTI O N 19 and hasn’t been for thirty years. That, too, may be connected with California’s mutable, diverse society. ” And as some of his critics said, maybe it takes someone who doesn’t really understand the magnitude of the problem to even try solving it. In Schwarzenegger’s ﬁrst months in office, there was a temporary sense— particularly among legislative Democrats—that the new governor, a social liberal who prides himself on his ability to sell anything (including, as he says, his really bad movies), and who, more than anything, seems to like being a deal maker, had shown more promise in mitigating Sacramento’s partisanship than any of them had expected.